Subhash Chandra Bose

Netaji
Subhash Çandra Bose
সুভাষচন্দ্র বসু (Bengali)

ସୁଭାଷ ଚନ୍ଦ୍ର ବୋଷ (Odia)
சுபாஷ் சந்திர போஸ் (Tamil)
सुभाष चन्द्र बोस (Hindi)
સુભાષચંદ્ર બોઝ (Guxharati)
ਸੁਭਾਸ਼ ਚੰਦਰ ਬੋਸ (Punxhabi)
సుభాష్ చంద్రబోస్ (Telugu)
സുഭാഷ് ചന്ദ്രബോസ് (Malajalam)
සුභාස් චන්ද්‍රබෝස් (Sinhala)
ಸುಭಾಷ್ ಚಂದ್ರ ಬೋಸ್ (Kannada)

ᱥᱩᱵᱷᱟᱥ ᱪᱚᱸᱫᱽᱨᱚ ᱵᱳᱥ (Santali)
Bose, rr. 1930s
Lideri i 2-të i Ushtrisë Kombëtare Indiane[d]
Në detyrë
4 Korrik 1943 – 18 Gusht 1945
Paraprirë ngaMohan Singh
Pasuar nga"Zhdukja e postit"
President i Blloku Përpara të Gjithë Indisë
Në detyrë
22 Qershor 1939 – 16 Janar 1941
Paraprirë ngaKrijimi i detyrës
Pasuar ngaSardul Singh Kavishar
Të dhëna vetjake
U lind më
Subhash Çandra Bose

(23-01-1897)1897 janar 23 invalid day
Cuttack, Presidenca e Bengalit, India Britanike
Vdiq më18 gusht 1945(1945-08-18) (48 vjeç)[4][5]
Taihoku, Tajvani Japonez
Vendi i prehjesRenkō-ji, Tokio, Japoni
Partia politikeKongresi Kombëtar Indian
Blloku Përpara i të Gjithë Indisë
Bashkëshortja/et
Emilie Schenkl
​
(m. 1937)​

Stampa:Gray[6]
FëmijëtAnita Bose Pfaff
Arsimimi
  • Shkolla Protestante Evropiane e Misionit Baptist, Cuttack, 1902–09[7]
  • Shkolla Kolegjiate Ravenshaw, Cuttack, 1909–12[8]
  • Kolegji i Presidencës, Kalkutë, 1912–15 Shkurt 1916[e][f]
  • Kolegji Skocez i Kishës, Kalkutë, 20 Korrik 1917–1919
  • Kolegji Fitzwilliam, Bordi i Studentëve Jokolegjiatë, Kembrixh, 1919–21.[11][g]
Shkollimi
NënshkrimiFirma e Subhash Çandra Boses në Anglisht dhe Bengali

(Netaxhi) Subhash Çandra Bose ( [12] 23 janar 1897 – 18 gusht 1945) ishte një nacionalist indian, sfida e të cilit ndaj autoritetit britanik në Indi e bëri atë një hero midis shumë indianëve, por aleancat e tij gjatë luftës me Gjermaninë naziste dhe Japoninë Perandorake lanë një trashëgimi të kontestuar prej autoritarizmit, antisemitizmit dhe dështimeve ushtarake. Emri nderues 'Netaji' ( Bengalisht : "Udhëheqës i respektuar") u përdor për herë të parë për Bosen në Gjermani në fillim të vitit 1942 - nga ushtarët indianë të Indische Legion dhe nga zyrtarët gjermanë dhe indianë në Byronë Speciale për Indinë në Berlin. Tani përdoret në të gjithë Indinë. [h]

Bose lindi në pasuri dhe privilegj, në një familje të madhe bengali në Orissa gjatë Raxhit Britanik . Marrës i një arsimi anglo-centrike, pas kolegjit ai u dërgua në Angli për të marrë provimin e Shërbimit Civil Indian . Ai ia doli me dallueshmëri në provimin e parë, por nuk pranoi të merrte provimin rutinë përfundimtar, duke përmendur nacionalizmin si thirrje më të lartë. Pas kthimit në Indi në 1921, Bose iu bashkua lëvizjes nacionaliste të udhëhequr nga Mahatma Gandhi dhe Kongresit Kombëtar Indian. Ai ndoqi Xhavaharlal Nehrunë në udhëheqjen e një grupi brenda Kongresit i cili ishte më pak i prirur për reformën kushtetuese dhe më i hapur ndaj socializmit. [i] Bose u bë president i Kongresit në 1938. Pas rizgjedhjes në vitin 1939, lindën mosmarrëveshje midis tij dhe udhëheqësve të Kongresit, duke përfshirë Gandin, lidhur me federatën e ardhshme të Indisë Britanike dhe shteteve princërore, por edhe sepse shqetësimi ishte rritur në mesin e udhëheqjes së Kongresit lidhur me qëndrimin e negociueshëm të Boses ndaj jodhunës dhe planet e tij për fuqi më të mëdha për veten e tij. [15] Pasi shumica e madhe e anëtarëve të Komitetit të Punës të Kongresit dha dorëheqjen në shenjë proteste, [16] Bose dha dorëheqjen si president dhe përfundimisht u përjashtua nga partia. [17] [18]

Në prill 1941 Bose mbërriti në Gjermaninë naziste, ku udhëheqja ofroi simpati të papritur, por me kushte për pavarësinë e Indisë. [19] [19] Fondet gjermane u përdorën për të hapur një qendër të Indisë së Lirë në Berlin . Një Legjion i Indisë së Lirë prej 3,000 trupash u rekrutua nga radhët e të burgosurve indianë të kapur nga Afrika Korps i Erwin Rommel për të shërbyer nën Bosen. [19] [j] Edhe pse periferik në qëllimet e tyre kryesore, gjermanët konsideruan në mënyrë jopërfundimtare një pushtim tokësor të Indisë gjatë gjithë vitit 1941. Nga pranvera e vitit 1942, ushtria gjermane ishte zhytur në Rusi dhe Bose u bë i etur për të kaluar në Azinë Juglindore, ku Japonia sapo kishte korrur fitore të shpejta. [19] Adolf Hitleri gjatë takimit të tij të vetëm me Bosen në fund të majit 1942 ra dakord të organizonte një nëndetëse. [19] Gjatë kësaj kohe, Bose u bë baba; gruaja e tij, [19] [k] ose shoqëruesja, [18] [l] Emilie Schenkl, lindi një vajzë. [19] [m] [19] Duke u identifikuar fuqishëm me fuqitë e Boshtit, Bose hipi në një nëndetëse gjermane në shkurt 1943. [19] [22] Jashtë Madagaskarit, ai u transferua në një nëndetëse japoneze nga e cila zbarkoi në Sumatra të mbajtur nga Japonia, në maj 1943. [19]

Me mbështetjen japoneze, Bose rinovoi Ushtrinë Kombëtare Indiane (INA), e cila përbëhej nga të burgosurit e luftës indianë të ushtrisë indiane britanike, të cilët ishin kapur nga japonezët në Betejën e Singaporit . [23] [24] [25] Një Qeveri e Përkohshme e Indisë së Lirë u shpall në ishujt Andaman dhe Nikobar të pushtuara nga japonezët dhe u kryesua nominalisht nga Bose. [26] [27] [n] Edhe pse Bose ishte jashtëzakonisht i shtyrë dhe karizmatik, japonezët e konsideronin atë si të pakualifikuar ushtarakisht, [o] dhe përpjekja e tij ushtarake ishte jetëshkurtër. Në fund të vitit 1944 dhe në fillim të vitit 1945, Ushtria Britanike Indiane e ktheu sulmin japonez në Indi . Pothuajse gjysma e forcave japoneze dhe plotësisht gjysma e kontingjentit pjesëmarrës të INA u vranë. [p] [q] INA e mbetur u përzu në Gadishullin Malajzian dhe u dorëzua me rimarrjen e Singaporit . Bose zgjodhi të arratisej në Mançuri për të kërkuar një të ardhme në Bashkimin Sovjetik, të cilin ai besonte se ishte kthyer në anti-britanik.

Bose vdiq nga djegiet e shkallës së tretë pasi avioni i tij u rrëzua në Tajvanin japonez më 18 gusht 1945. [r] Disa indianë nuk besuan se përplasja kishte ndodhur, [s] duke pritur që Bose të kthehej për të siguruar pavarësinë e Indisë. [t] [u] [v] Kongresi Kombëtar Indian, mjeti kryesor i nacionalizmit indian, vlerësoi patriotizmin e Boses, por u distancua nga taktikat dhe ideologjia e tij. [w] [37] Raxhi britanik, asnjëherë i kërcënuar seriozisht nga INA, akuzoi 300 oficerë të INA për tradhti në gjyqet e Ushtrisë Kombëtare Indiane, por përfundimisht u tërhoq përballë kundërshtimit nga Kongresi, [x] dhe një vale të ri në Britani për dekolonizim të shpejtë në Indi. [y] [37] [40]

Trashëgimia e Boses është e përzier. Midis shumë njerëzve në Indi, ai shihet si një hero, saga e tij shërben si një kundërvënie e mundshme ndaj veprimeve të shumta të rigjenerimit, negocimit dhe pajtimit gjatë një çerek shekulli përmes të cilit u arrit pavarësia e Indisë. [z] [aa] [ab] Bashkëpunimet e tij me fashizmin japonez dhe nazizmin paraqesin dilema serioze etike, [ac] veçanërisht ngurrimi i tij për të kritikuar publikisht shpërthimet më të këqija të antisemitizmit gjerman nga viti 1938 e tutje ose për të ofruar strehim në Indi për viktimat e tij. [ad] [ae] [af]

Preview of references

  1. ^ Gordon 1990, f. 502.
  2. ^ a b Wolpert 2000, f. 339.
  3. ^ Gordon 1990, ff. 502–503.
  4. ^ Cite warning: <ref> tag with name dod-combined cannot be previewed because it is defined outside the current section or not defined at all.
  5. ^ Cite warning: <ref> tag with name gordon-bose-death cannot be previewed because it is defined outside the current section or not defined at all.
  6. ^ a b c Hayes 2011, f. 15.
  7. ^ Gordon 1990, f. 32.
  8. ^ Gordon 1990, f. 33.
  9. ^ a b Gordon 1990, f. 48.
  10. ^ Gordon 1990, f. 52.
  11. ^ a b The_Open_University.
  12. ^ Bose, Subhas Chandra (26 qershor 1943). "Speech of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Tokyo, 1943". Prasar Bharati Archives. Arkivuar nga origjinali më 30 janar 2021. Marrë më 26 janar 2021. {cite web}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)Mirëmbajtja CS1: Datë e përkthyer automatikisht (lidhja)
  13. ^ Gordon 1990, ff. 459–460.
  14. ^ Stein 2010, ff. 305, 325.
  15. ^ Matthews, Roderick (2021), Peace, Poverty, and Betrayal: A New History of British India, Oxford University Press, By this point the Congress leadership was in turmoil after the election of Subhas Chandra Bose as president in 1938. His victory was taken, principally by Bose himself, as proof that Gandhi's star was in decline, and that the Congress could now switch to his personal programme of revolutionary change. He set no store by non-violence and his ideals were pitched a good deal to the left of Gandhi's. His plans also included a large amount of leadership from himself. This autocratic temperament alienated virtually the whole Congress high command, and when he forced himself into the presidency again the next year, the Working Committee revolted. Bose, bitter and broken in health, complained that the 'Rightists' had conspired to bring him down. This was true, but Bose, who seems to have had a talent for misreading situations, seriously overestimated the strength of his support—a significant miscalculation, for it led him to resign in order to create his own faction, the Forward Bloc, modelled on the kind of revolutionary national socialism fashionable across much of Europe at the time. {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)
  16. ^ Haithcox, John Patrick (1971), Communism and Nationalism in India: M. N. Roy and Comintern Policy, 1920–1939, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, fq. 282–283, ISBN 0-691-08722-9, LCCN 79120755, One of the principal points of dispute between Bose and the Congress high command was the attitude the party should take toward the proposed Indian federation. The 1935 Constitution provided for a union of the princely states with the provinces of British India on a federal basis. This was to take place after a certain number of states had indicated their willingness to join. This part of the constitution never came into effect for it failed to secure the assent of the required number of princes, but nevertheless the question of its acceptance in principle was hotly debated for some time within the party. In opposing federation, Bose spoke for many within the Congress party. He argued that under the terms of the constitution the princes would have one-third of the seats in the lower house although they represented only one-fourth of India's population. Moreover, they would nominate their own representatives, whereas legislators from British India, the nominees of various political parties, would not be equally united. Consequently, he reasoned, the princes would have a reactionary influence on Indian politics. Following his election for a second term, Bose charged that some members of the Working Committee were willing to compromise on this issue. Incensed at this allegation, all but three of the fifteen members of the Working Committee resigned. The exception was Nehru, Bose himself, and his brother Sarat. There was no longer any hope for reconciliation between the dissidents and the old guard. {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)
  17. ^ Low 2002.
  18. ^ a b Gordon 1990.
  19. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hayes 2011.
  20. ^ Hayes 2011, f. 162.
  21. ^ Gordon 1990, ff. 344–345.
  22. ^ Bose 2005.
  23. ^ Lebra 2008a.
  24. ^ Lebra 2008b.
  25. ^ Gordon, Leonard (2008), "Indian National Army" (PDF), përmbledhur nga William A. Darity Jr. (red.), International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd Edition, Volume 3, fq. 610–611, arkivuar nga origjinali (PDF) më 1 nëntor 2021, marrë më 1 nëntor 2021, The Indian National Army (INA) was formed in 1942 by Indian prisoners of war captured by the Japanese in Singapore. It was created with the aid of Japanese forces. Captain Mohan Singh became the INA's first leader, and Major Iwaichi Fujiwara was the Japanese intelligence officer who brokered the arrangement to create the army, which was to be trained to fight British and other Allied forces in Southeast Asia. {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)Mirëmbajtja CS1: Datë e përkthyer automatikisht (lidhja)
  26. ^ Low 1993.
  27. ^ Wolpert 2000.
  28. ^ Gordon 1990, f. 517.
  29. ^ McLynn 2011, ff. 295–296.
  30. ^ Marston 2014, f. 124.
  31. ^ Wolpert 2009, f. 69.
  32. ^ Bandyopādhyāẏa 2004, f. 427.
  33. ^ Bayly & Harper 2007, f. 22.
  34. ^ Wolpert 2000, ff. 339–340.
  35. ^ Chatterji 2007, f. 278.
  36. ^ Bayly 2012, f. 283.
  37. ^ a b Bayly & Harper 2007.
  38. ^ Marston 2014, f. 129.
  39. ^ Allen 2012, f. 179.
  40. ^ Metcalf & Metcalf 2012.
  41. ^ Stein 2010, f. 297.
  42. ^ Fay 1995, f. 522.
  43. ^ Corbett, Jim; Elwin, Verrier; Ali, Salim (2004), Lives in the Wilderness: Three Classic Indian Autobiographies, Oxford University Press {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)
  44. ^ Hayes 2011, f. 165.
  45. ^ Casolari 2020, ff. 89–90.
  46. ^ Roy, Baijayanti (2019), "The Past is Indeed a Different Country: Perception of Holocaust in India", përmbledhur nga Ballis, Anja; Gloe, Markus (red.), Holocaust Education Revisited, Wiesbaden, Germany: Springer VS, fq. 108, ISBN 978-3-658-24204-6 {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)
  47. ^ Aafreedi, Navras J. (2021), "Holocaust education in India and its challenges", përmbledhur nga Aafreedi, Navras J.; Singh, Priya (red.), Conceptualizing Mass Violence: Representations, Recollections, and reinterpretatons, Abington and New York: Routledge, fq. 154, ISBN 978-1-00-314613-1 {citation}: Mungon ose është bosh parametri |language= (Ndihmë!)
  1. ^ "the Provisional Government of Azad Hind (or Free India Provisional Government, FIPG) was announced on 21 October. It was based at Singapore and consisted, in the first instance, of five ministers, eight representatives of the INA, and eight civilian advisers representing the Indians of Southeast and East Asia. Bose was head of state, prime minister and minister for war and foreign affairs.[1]
  2. ^ "Hideki Tojo turned over all Japan's Indian POWs to Bose's command, and in October 1943 Bose announced the creation of a Provisional Government of Free India, of which he became head of state, prime minister, minister of war, and minister of foreign affairs."[2]
  3. ^ "Bose was especially keen to have some Indian territory over which the provisional government might claim sovereignty. Since the Japanese had stopped east of the Chindwin River in Burma and not entered India on that front, the only Indian territories they held were the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Indian Ocean. The Japanese navy was unwilling to transfer administration of these strategic islands to Bose's forces, but a face-saving agreement was worked out so that the provisional government was given a 'jurisdiction', while actual control remained throughout with the Japanese military. Bose eventually made a visit to Port Blair in the Andamans in December and a ceremonial transfer took place. Renaming them the Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj (Self-rule) Islands, Bose raised the Indian national flag and appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Loganadhan, a medical officer, as chief commissioner. Bose continued to lobby for complete transfer, but did not succeed."[3]
  4. ^ His formal title after 21 October 1943 was: Head of State, Prime Minister, Minister of War, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government of Free India, which was based in Japanese-occupied Singapore.[a][b] with jurisdiction, but without the sovereignty of Japanese-occupied Andaman Islands.[c]
  5. ^ I përjashtuar nga kolegji, 15 Shkurt 1916;[9] i ripranuar në universitet më 20 Korrik 1917.[10]
  6. ^ "When another run-in between Professor Oaten and some students took place on February 15 (1916), a group of students including Subhas Bose, ... decided to take the law in their own hands. Coming down the broad staircase from the second floor, Oaten was surrounded (the) students who beat him with their sandals—and fled. Although Oaten himself was not able to identify any of the attackers, a bearer said he saw Subhas Bose and Ananga Dam among those fleeing. Rumors in student circles also placed Subhas among the group. An investigation was carried out by the college authorities, and these two were expelled from the college and rusticated from the university.[9]
  7. ^ "Upon arriving in Britain, Bose went up to Cambridge to gain admission. He managed to gain entry to Fitzwilliam Hall, a body for non-collegiate members of the University. Bose took the Mental and Moral Sciences Tripos."
  8. ^ "Another small, but immediate, issue for the civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training was how to address Subhas Bose. Vyas has given his view of how the term was adopted: 'one of our [soldier] boys came forward with "Hamare Neta". We improved upon it: "Netaji"... It must be mentioned, that Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He began to yield only when he saw our military group ... firmly went on calling him "Netaji"'. (Alexander) Werth also mentioned adoption of 'Netaji' and observed accurately, that it '... combined a sense both of affection and honour ...' It was not meant to echo 'Fuehrer' or 'Duce', but to give Subhas Bose a special Indian form of reverence and this term has been universally adopted by Indians everywhere in speaking about him."[13]
  9. ^ "Younger Congressmen, including Jawaharlal Nehru, ... thought that constitution-making, whether by the British with their (Simon) Commission or by moderate politicians like the elder (Motilal) Nehru, was not the way to achieve the fundamental changes in society. Nehru and Subhas Bose rallied a group within Congress ... to declare for an independent republic. (p. 305) ... (They) were among those who, impatient with Gandhi's programmes and methods, looked upon socialism as an alternative for nationalistic policies capable of meeting the country's economic and social needs, as well as a link to potential international support (p. 325)."[14]
  10. ^ "Having arrived in Berlin a bruised politician, his broadcasts brought him—and India—world notice.[20]
  11. ^ "While writing The Indian Struggle, Bose also hired a secretary by the name of Emilie Schenkl. They eventually fell in love and married secretly in accordance with Hindu rites."[6]
  12. ^ "Although we must take Emilie Schenkl at her word (about her secret marriage to Bose in 1937), there are a few nagging doubts about an actual marriage ceremony because there is no document that I have seen and no testimony by any other person. ... Other biographers have written that Bose and Miss Schenkl were married in 1942, while Krishna Bose, implying 1941, leaves the date ambiguous. The strangest and most confusing testimony comes from A. C. N. Nambiar, who was with the couple in Badgastein briefly in 1937, and was with them in Berlin during the war as second-in-command to Bose. In an answer to my question about the marriage, he wrote to me in 1978: 'I cannot state anything definite about the marriage of Bose referred to by you, since I came to know of it only a good while after the end of the last world war ... I can imagine the marriage having been a very informal one ...'... So what are we left with? ... We know they had a close passionate relationship and that they had a child, Anita, born 29 November 1942, in Vienna. ... And we have Emilie Schenkl's testimony that they were married secretly in 1937. Whatever the precise dates, the most important thing is the relationship."[21]
  13. ^ "Apart from the Free India Centre, Bose also had another reason to feel satisfied-even comfortable-in Berlin. After months of residing in a hotel, the Foreign Office procured a luxurious residence for him along with a butler, cook, gardener and an SS-chauffeured car. Emilie Schenkl moved in openly with him. The Germans, aware of the nature of their relationship, refrained from any involvement. The following year she gave birth to a daughter.[6]
  14. ^ "Tojo turned over all his Indian POWs to Bose's command, and in October 1943 Bose announced the creation of a Provisional Government of Azad ("Free") India, of which he became head of state, prime minister, minister of war, and minister of foreign affairs. Some two million Indians were living in Southeast Asia when the Japanese seized control of that region, and these emigrees were the first "citizens" of that government, founded under the "protection" of Japan and headquartered on the "liberated" Andaman Islands. Bose declared war on the United States and Great Britain the day after his government was established. In January 1944 he moved his provisional capital to Rangoon and started his Indian National Army on their march north to the battle cry of the Meerut mutineers: "Chalo Delhi!"[2]
  15. ^ "At the same time that the Japanese appreciated the firmness with which Bose's forces continued to fight, they were endlessly exasperated with him. A number of Japanese officers, even those like Fujiwara, who were devoted to the Indian cause, saw Bose as a military incompetent as well as an unrealistic and stubborn man who saw only his own needs and problems and could not see the larger picture of the war as the Japanese had to."[28]
  16. ^ "Gracey consoled himself that Bose's Indian National Army had also been in action against his Indians and Gurkhas but had been roughly treated and almost annihilated; when the survivors tried to surrender, they tended to fall foul of the Gurkhas' dreaded kukri."[29]
  17. ^ Initially, INA troops in the Arakan stayed loyal to the INA and their IJA masters. However, as starvation and defeat began to take their toll, loyalties began to waver, and two companies from the Bose Brigade surrendered en masse to British forces in July 1944.[30]
  18. ^ "The good news Wavell reported was that the RAF had just recently flown enough of its planes into Manipur's capital of Imphal to smash Netaji ("Leader") Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army (INA) that had advanced to its outskirts before the monsoon began. Bose's INA consisted of about 20,000 of the British Indian soldiers captured by the Japanese in Singapore, who had volunteered to serve under Netaji Bose when he offered them "Freedom" if they were willing to risk their "Blood" to gain Indian independence a year earlier. The British considered Bose and his "army of traitors" no better than their Japanese sponsors, but to most of Bengal's 50 million Indians, Bose was a great national hero and potential "Liberator". The INA was stopped before entering Bengal, first by monsoon rains and then by the RAF, and forced to retreat, back through Burma and down its coast to the Malay peninsula. In May 1945, Bose would fly out of Saigon on an overloaded Japanese plane, headed for Taiwan, which crash-landed and burned. Bose suffered third-degree burns and died in the hospital on Formosa."[31]
  19. ^ "The retreat was even more devastating, finally ending the dream of gaining Indian independence through military campaign. But Bose still remained optimistic, thought of regrouping after the Japanese surrender, contemplated seeking help from Soviet Russia. The Japanese agreed to provide him transport up to Manchuria from where he could travel to Russia. But on his way, on 18 August 1945 at Taihoku airport in Taiwan, he died in an air crash, which many Indians still believe never happened."[32]
  20. ^ "There are still some in India today who believe that Bose remained alive and in Soviet custody, a once and future king of Indian independence. The legend of 'Netaii' Bose's survival helped bind together the defeated INA. In Bengal it became an assurance of the province's supreme importance in the liberation of the motherland. It sustained the morale of many across India and Southeast Asia who deplored the return of British power or felt alienated from the political settlement finally achieved by Gandhi and Nehru.[33]
  21. ^ "On 21 March 1944, Subhas Bose and advanced units of the INA crossed the borders of India, entering Manipur, and by May they had advanced to the outskirts of that state's capital, Imphal. That was the closest Bose came to Bengal, where millions of his devoted followers awaited his army's "liberation". The British garrison at Imphal and its air arm withstood Bose's much larger force long enough for the monsoon rains to defer all possibility of warfare in that jungle region for the three months the British so desperately needed to strengthen their eastern wing. Bose had promised his men freedom in exchange for their blood, but the tide of battle turned against them after the 1944 rains, and in May 1945 the INA surrendered in Rangoon. Bose escaped on the last Japanese plane to leave Saigon, but he died in Formosa after a crash landing there in August. By that time, however, his death had been falsely reported so many times that a myth soon emerged in Bengal that Netaji Subhas Chandra was alive—raising another army in China or Tibet or the Soviet Union—and would return with it to "liberate" India.[34]
  22. ^ "Subhas Bose was dead, killed in 1945 in a plane crash in the Far East, even though many of his devotees waited—as Barbarossa's disciples had done in another time and in another country—for their hero's second coming."[35]
  23. ^ "The thrust of Sarkar's thought, like that of Chittaranjan Das and Subhas Bose, was to challenge the idea that 'the average Indian is indifferent to life', as R. K. Kumaria put it. India once possessed an energised, Machiavellian political culture. All it needed was a hero (rather than a Gandhi-style saint) to revive the culture and steer India to life and freedom through violent contentions of world forces (vishwa shakti) represented in imperialism, fascism and socialism."[36]
  24. ^ As cases began to come to trial, the Indian National Congress began to speak out in defence of INA prisoners, even though it had vocally opposed both the INA's narrative and methods during the war. The Muslim League and the Punjab Unionists followed suit. By mid-September, Nehru was becoming increasingly vocal in his view that trials of INA defendants should not move forward.[38]
  25. ^ "The claim is even made that without the Japanese-influenced 'Indian National Army' under Subhas Chandra Bose, India would not have achieved independence in 1947; though those who make claim seem unaware of the mood of the British people in 1945 and of the attitude of the newly-elected Labour government to the Indian question."[39]
  26. ^ "Despite any whimsy in implementation, the clarity of Gandhi's political vision and the skill with which he carried the reforms in 1920 provided the foundation for what was to follow: twenty-five years of stewardship over the freedom movement. He knew the hazards to be negotiated. The British must be brought to a point where they would abdicate their rule without terrible destruction, thus assuring that freedom was not an empty achievement. To accomplish this he had to devise means of a moral sort, able to inspire the disciplined participation of millions of Indians, and equal to compelling the British to grant freedom, if not willingly, at least with resignation. Gandhi found his means in non-violent satyagraha. He insisted that it was not a cowardly form of resistance; rather, it required the most determined kind of courage.[41]
  27. ^ What he is remembered for is his vigor, his militancy, his readiness to trade blood (his own if necessary) for nationhood. In large parts of Uttar Pradesh, the historian Gyanendra Pandey has recently remarked, independence is popularly credited not to 'the quiet efforts at self¬regeneration initiated by Mahatma Gandhi,' but to 'the military daring of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.'[42]
  28. ^ " 'The transfer of power in India ,' Dr Radhakrishnan has said, 'was one of the greatest acts of reconciliation in human history.'"[43]
  29. ^ "The most troubling aspect of Bose's presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the 'good cause'. How did a man who started his political career at the feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in comparison to that posed by his association with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The most disturbing issue, all too often ignored, is that in the many articles, minutes, memorandums, telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts Bose left behind in Germany, he did not express the slightest concern or sympathy for the millions who died in the concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin wartime associates or colleagues ever quotes him expressing any indignation. Not even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its satellite camps were exposed to the world upon being liberated by Soviet troops in early 1945, revealing publicly for the first time the genocidal nature of the Nazi regime, did Bose react."[44]
  30. ^ Between 1938 and 1939 the reactions of the Anti-Nazi League, the Congress, and the progressive press toward German anti-Semitism and German politics showed that Indian public opinion and the nationalist leaders were fairly well informed about the events in Europe. If Bose, Savarkar and others looked favourably upon racial discrimination in Germany or did not criticise them, it cannot be said, to justify them, that they were unaware of what was happening. The great anti-Jewish pogrom known as "the Night of Broken Glass" took place on 9 November 1938. In early December, pro-Hindu Mahasabha journals published articles in favour of German anti-Semitism. This stance brought the Hindu Mahasabha into conflict with the Congress which, on 12 December, made a statement containing clear references to recent European events. Within the Congress, only Bose opposed the party stance. A few months later, in April 1939, he refused to support the party motion that Jews might find refuge in India.[45]
  31. ^ Leaders of Indian National Congress (INC), which led the anti-colonial movement, responded in different ways to the plight of Jews. In 1938, Gandhi, the nationalist icon, advised the Jews to engage in non-violent resistance by challenging "the gentile Germal" to shoot him or cast him in dungeon. Jawaharlal Nehru, the future first prime minister of independent India, was sympathetic towards the Jews. The militant nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose, who escaped to German in 1941 with the aim of freeing India through military help from the Axis nations, remained predictably reticent on this issue.[46]
  32. ^ Jawaharlal Nehru called the Jews 'People with a home or nation' and sponsored a resolution in the Congress Working Committee. Although the exact date is not known, yet it can be said that it probably happened in December 1938 at the Wardha session, the one that took place shortly after Nehru returned from Europe. The draft resolution read: 'The Committee sees no objection to the employment in India of such Jewish refugees as are experts and specialists and who can fit in with the new order in India and accept Indian standards.' It was, however, rejected by the then Congress President Bose, who four years later in 1942 was reported by the Jewish Chronicle of London as having published an article in Angriff, a journal of Goebbels, saying that "anti-Semitism should become part of the Indian liberation movement because Jews had helped the British to exploit Indians (21 August 1942)" Although by then Bose had left the Congress, he continued to command a strong influence within the party.[47]